Tuesday, September 19, 2006
Doug Feith, Richard Perle and Marc Grossman
Richard Perle and Doug Feith are the 'stars' of Kill The Messenger.
In May 2006, Phil Giraldi wrote an article about Sibel's case which Sibel described as:
and from my interview with KTM director Mathieu Verboud:
Perle & Feith were both instrumental in writing A Clean Break. This from wikipedia:
Marc Grossman also has a curious role in these affairs - he was involved in the Plame affair, and also in Sibel's case (and perhaps even the nexus of the two)
This from my interview with KTM director Mathieu Verboud:
How do you think Grossman, Feith and Perle fit into this story?
How about Plame and Brewster Jennings?
In May 2006, Phil Giraldi wrote an article about Sibel's case which Sibel described as:
"a fantastic short piece by Phil Giraldi; it sums up the case very well, considering the length... as far as published articles go, this one nails it 100%"Here's a snippet from Giraldi's article:
Someone has to be in the middle (of the Turkish, Israeli, American military/economic machine) to keep the happy affair going, so enter the neocons, intent on securing Israel against all comers and also keen to turn a dollar. In fact the neocons seem to have a deep and abiding interest in Turkey, which, under other circumstances, might be difficult to explain. Doug Feith's International Advisors Inc, a registered agent for Turkey in 1989 - 1994, netted $600,000 per year from Turkey, with Richard Perle taking $48,000 annually as a consultant.
[]
Contracts in the hundreds of millions, or even billions of dollars provide considerable fat for those well placed to benefit. Investigators are also looking at Israel's particular expertise in the illegal sale of US military technology to countries like China and India. Fraudulent end-user certificates produced by Defense Ministries in Israel and Turkey are all that is needed to divert military technology to other, less benign, consumers. The military-industrial-complex/neocon network is also well attested. Doug Feith has been associated with Northrup Grumman for years, while defense contractors fund many neocon-linked think tanks and "information" services. Feith, Perle and a number of other neocons have long had beneficial relationships with various Israeli defense contractors.
and from my interview with KTM director Mathieu Verboud:
"MV: In the film we expanded on those notions with ex-CIA officer Philip Giraldi who wrote a very interesting article about Sibel Edmonds. He also states that Douglas Feith and Richard Perle may have helped, or have been instrumental in establishing false end-user-certificates that enabled some people to send weapons to the Chechnya guerillas - most of them, or at least some of them being very closely linked to Al Qaeda. He of course touches on Perle and Feith’s connections with Israel and Turkey, with Israeli and U.S defense contractors, always playing both sides of the fence."
Perle & Feith were both instrumental in writing A Clean Break. This from wikipedia:
A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm, commonly referred to as the "Clean Break" report, was prepared in 1996 by a study group led by Richard Perle. The other participants were James Colbert, Charles Fairbanks, Jr., Douglas Feith, Robert Loewenberg, Jonathan Torop, David Wurmser, and Meyrav Wurmser.Funny how that turned out.
The report was prepared as a proposed new policy for the government of Israel, and presented to then Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in July of 1996.
The principle recommendations were:
- A repudiation of the concept of "Land for Peace," which was the basis for the Oslo Accords
- Armed incursions into Palestinian areas under the rubric of the "right of hot pursuit"
- Armed incursions into Lebanon, and possible strikes against Syria and Iran
- The removal of Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq
- A repudiation of the tenets of Labor Zionism, and a change to Economic liberalism
Marc Grossman also has a curious role in these affairs - he was involved in the Plame affair, and also in Sibel's case (and perhaps even the nexus of the two)
This from my interview with KTM director Mathieu Verboud:
Luke: I know that you interviewed Marc Grossman and that you cut it out of the film - can you talk about the interview at all?Christopher Deliso has also written about Grossman - this from an article (about Plame):
Mathieu: Knowing the players in the game, and knowing the business that they engage in, and this being a small world, and Grossman having worked in Turkey and Pakistan, he’d met with ISI chief (Pakistani intelligence agency) on a much-hyped but yet mysterious meeting on September 11, at the time of the attacks, he is a pillar of the (American Turkish Council), etc, one could assume that Marc Grossman would not be far away from those dealings - legal or illegal, it doesn’t matter.
Most observers presume he was on Sibel’s wiretaps, possibly tipping Turkish friends about let’s say the risk posed by Brewster Jennings‘s activities. Sibel touches on that aspect in a masterful way in the film. Praises to her to be so smart in front of a camera.
Exposing Grossman or his role would have been interesting for the film, but the guy being what he is, there was no way that he would have given an interview if we had accused him of anything. Turkey, for example, was known to him as being a transit point for drugs not as the biggest opium–processing country in the world. He didn’t want to accept that simple fact (in the interview).
Then we tested him - we asked him about Valerie Plame - and it was amazing to see his face change! He had the nerve to say that he didn’t know anything about Valerie Plame, or about Brewster Jennings - which is simply false! As you know, his name had appeared publicly for months in the Valerie Plame's case – Anyway, we didn't mention the fact that we knew he was lying.
Next we pretended that we didn’t know anything about Sibel, and we just mentioned that there was this little woman of Turkish origin whose name was mentioned in an article in Vanity Fair speaking about Turkey… His face changed again, and he came up with this answer: ' Vanity Fair? I am afraid it is not a magazine I read '! We there asked him directly about Sibel Edmonds and he said that he didn't know anything about Sibel Edmonds – the name was ‘unfamiliar’.
Luke: That's hysterical. When was that interview?
Mathieu: April 2006.
Luke: (laughs) Oh that's great. And he's never heard of Sibel Edmonds and Valerie Plame. That's fantastic.
"Although Grossman "has not been as high profile in the press" FBI whistleblower Sibel Edmonds cryptically told me the other day, "don't overlook him – he is very important."In another interview with Chris Deliso, Sibel also famously said:
She was not speaking about the Plame affair, though Grossman did indeed have a key role there, as we will see. According to her, Grossman was one of three officials – the other two, she says, are Richard Perle and Douglas Feith – who had been watched by both Valerie Plame's Brewster Jennings & Associates CIA team, and by the major FBI investigation of organized crime and governmental corruption on which she herself was working until being terminated in April 2002."
"That's the beauty of it. You can start from the AIPAC angle. You can start from the Plame case. You can start from my case. They all end up going to the same place, and they revolve around the same nucleus of people. There may be a lot of them, but it is one group. And they are very dangerous for all of us."
How do you think Grossman, Feith and Perle fit into this story?
How about Plame and Brewster Jennings?
Comments:
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Ask him under oath to discuss the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the non-denial denials.
PS- don't let the record open for extending or revising remarks.
PS- don't let the record open for extending or revising remarks.
# posted by 
: Monday, January 07, 2008 8:27:00 AM
: Monday, January 07, 2008 8:27:00 AM
Justice Dept. Eyes U.S. Firm’s Payments to Foreign Officials
The Justice Department is probing the relationship between the Federal
Bureau of Investigation and a small investigative firm that helped
American officials make a headline-grabbing arrest of an Afghan warlord.
Under scrutiny are several payments that the firm, Rosetta Research and
Consulting LLC, may have made to foreign government officials, including
an Afghan diplomat in London, court documents suggest.
Little is publicly known about the now-defunct Rosetta, which was
founded in 2003 by a former Treasury Department researcher, Michael
Patrick Jost. The firm’s goal was to “develop highly sensitive
information regarding the funding of terrorist activities worldwide and
to make commercial use of this information,” according to a description
of the firm offered in court papers.
“Rosetta sought and obtained millions of dollars of investments,”
according to the court filing “and developed relationships with high
levels of officials in the FBI” and Department of Defense. The firm
played a central role in helping law enforcement officials develop
contact with an Afghan warlord, Bashir Noorzai, whom the government is
now prosecuting in New York for heroin distribution, Mr. Noorzai’s
lawyer claims in court documents filed yesterday.
Details about Rosetta are emerging in Mr. Noorzai’s case because his
attorney, Ivan Fisher, is alleging that Rosetta violated the law in its
pursuit of Mr. Noorzai on behalf of the government.
In a twist to the case, Mr. Jost yesterday filed a sworn affidavit on
behalf of Mr. Noorzai describing an investigation into Rosetta that was
conducted by the Justice Department’s internal watchdog, the Office of
the Inspector General. The investigation centers on the FBI’s
relationship to Rosetta. Despite a sale’s pitch by Rosetta delivered to
senior FBI officials, the FBI never signed a contract for the firm’s
services, according to Mr. Jost’s account, which was confirmed by a
former federal official. “They came to the FBI proposing to rent us
their extensive database about people in the Middle East,” the former
official said.
Mr. Jost’s account raises questions about whether individual FBI
employees improperly shared information with Rosetta and whether Rosetta
bribed foreign officials with the knowledge of some FBI employees.
In 2006, Mr. Jost told the Justice Department investigators that an FBI
employee “had been looking up information in FBI databases and
forwarding it to Rosetta,” according to his testimony. The FBI employee,
who is not identified in Mr. Jost’s account, was considering taking a
job with Rosetta, according to Mr. Jost.
The investigators reviewed Rosetta’s financial records, Mr. Jost said,
adding that he identified some payments as going to “an Afghan diplomat
serving in London.” Other money, potentially millions of dollars, Mr.
Jost said, “went to government officials in Afghanistan and Pakistan.” A
spokeswoman for the inspector general, Cynthia Schnedar, declined to
comment. During its short existence, Rosetta’s main enterprise was to
develop a relationship with Mr. Noorzai, the Afghan’s lawyer, Ivan
Fisher, claims in court papers he filed yesterday. Rosetta had obtained
from a source in the Office of the Secretary of Defense a list of
individuals whom “our government believed could provide strategic
assistance in interfering with” terrorism, Mr. Fisher claims in court
papers.
Mr. Noorzai, who was the head of a million-man-strong tribe in Southern
Afghanistan was on that list, Mr. Fisher’s letter to the court claims.
Mr. Noorzai may have been an attractive figure to American foreign
policy officials because of his extensive track record with the Central
Intelligence Agency over the years.
He had helped recover unused Stinger missiles dating back to the war
with the Soviet Army in Afghanistan and returned them to American
officials, according to news accounts.
Rosetta employees offered to deliver Mr. Noorzai to the FBI.
“They were proposing that they could bring him to us with a grant of
immunity and he would tell us about bin Laden and where he hides out,”
the former official said. “The FBI did not go for it. When private
business comes to you like that, wanting to make money off of the flesh
trade so to speak, it’s kind of unsavory.”
Rosetta, according to Mr. Fisher, did get access to Mr. Noorzai, by
bribing foreign officials from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the United
Arab Emirates.
One recipient of the payment, an Afghani diplomat stationed in London,
put Rosetta in touch with a former Pakistani intelligence official, who
also received payment from Rosetta, to arrange for an introduction with
Mr. Noorzai, according to Mr. Fisher’s court filing. Mr. Fisher’s
account does not provide exact figures for the alleged payments. Nor
does the account make clear exactly on the behalf of which government
agency, if any, Rosetta was pursuing Mr. Noorzai.
Mr. Noorzai made several trips to Dubai to meet with Rosetta employees
he believed were representatives of the American government, according
to transcripts of those conversations that have been reviewed by The New
York Sun. Mr. Noorzai knew these two contacts as “Mike” and “Brian.” Mr.
Noorzai has said he had only seen Osama bin Laden once in passing.
Mr. Noorzai was under the impression that American officials would help
install him in the new Afghanistan government, according to his court
filings.
In April of 2005, under the pretense of working out such a deal, Mr.
Noorzai flew to New York and spent two weeks in a hotel at the Embassy
Suites in Lower Manhattan talking with agents from the Drug Enforcement
Administration. He was arrested and spent the last three years awaiting
trial on drug charges.
Before Mr. Noorzai arrived, there was at least one meeting in Washington
with DEA agents, a federal prosecutor, and Mr. Jost, according to Mr.
Fisher. According to Mr. Fisher, a disagreement ensued over whether to
arrest Mr. Noorzai when he arrived or not. Rosetta’s position was to
provide safe passage to Mr. Noorzai, Mr. Fisher said. Only then did the
law enforcement officials inform Mr. Jost that Mr. Noorzai had already
been indicted on the heroin charges, according to Mr. Fisher’s account.
In court papers, Mr. Fisher argues that the safe passage Rosetta
employees promised to Mr. Noorzai is binding on the federal government,
and he urged a federal judge to release Mr. Noorzai.
The Justice Department is probing the relationship between the Federal
Bureau of Investigation and a small investigative firm that helped
American officials make a headline-grabbing arrest of an Afghan warlord.
Under scrutiny are several payments that the firm, Rosetta Research and
Consulting LLC, may have made to foreign government officials, including
an Afghan diplomat in London, court documents suggest.
Little is publicly known about the now-defunct Rosetta, which was
founded in 2003 by a former Treasury Department researcher, Michael
Patrick Jost. The firm’s goal was to “develop highly sensitive
information regarding the funding of terrorist activities worldwide and
to make commercial use of this information,” according to a description
of the firm offered in court papers.
“Rosetta sought and obtained millions of dollars of investments,”
according to the court filing “and developed relationships with high
levels of officials in the FBI” and Department of Defense. The firm
played a central role in helping law enforcement officials develop
contact with an Afghan warlord, Bashir Noorzai, whom the government is
now prosecuting in New York for heroin distribution, Mr. Noorzai’s
lawyer claims in court documents filed yesterday.
Details about Rosetta are emerging in Mr. Noorzai’s case because his
attorney, Ivan Fisher, is alleging that Rosetta violated the law in its
pursuit of Mr. Noorzai on behalf of the government.
In a twist to the case, Mr. Jost yesterday filed a sworn affidavit on
behalf of Mr. Noorzai describing an investigation into Rosetta that was
conducted by the Justice Department’s internal watchdog, the Office of
the Inspector General. The investigation centers on the FBI’s
relationship to Rosetta. Despite a sale’s pitch by Rosetta delivered to
senior FBI officials, the FBI never signed a contract for the firm’s
services, according to Mr. Jost’s account, which was confirmed by a
former federal official. “They came to the FBI proposing to rent us
their extensive database about people in the Middle East,” the former
official said.
Mr. Jost’s account raises questions about whether individual FBI
employees improperly shared information with Rosetta and whether Rosetta
bribed foreign officials with the knowledge of some FBI employees.
In 2006, Mr. Jost told the Justice Department investigators that an FBI
employee “had been looking up information in FBI databases and
forwarding it to Rosetta,” according to his testimony. The FBI employee,
who is not identified in Mr. Jost’s account, was considering taking a
job with Rosetta, according to Mr. Jost.
The investigators reviewed Rosetta’s financial records, Mr. Jost said,
adding that he identified some payments as going to “an Afghan diplomat
serving in London.” Other money, potentially millions of dollars, Mr.
Jost said, “went to government officials in Afghanistan and Pakistan.” A
spokeswoman for the inspector general, Cynthia Schnedar, declined to
comment. During its short existence, Rosetta’s main enterprise was to
develop a relationship with Mr. Noorzai, the Afghan’s lawyer, Ivan
Fisher, claims in court papers he filed yesterday. Rosetta had obtained
from a source in the Office of the Secretary of Defense a list of
individuals whom “our government believed could provide strategic
assistance in interfering with” terrorism, Mr. Fisher claims in court
papers.
Mr. Noorzai, who was the head of a million-man-strong tribe in Southern
Afghanistan was on that list, Mr. Fisher’s letter to the court claims.
Mr. Noorzai may have been an attractive figure to American foreign
policy officials because of his extensive track record with the Central
Intelligence Agency over the years.
He had helped recover unused Stinger missiles dating back to the war
with the Soviet Army in Afghanistan and returned them to American
officials, according to news accounts.
Rosetta employees offered to deliver Mr. Noorzai to the FBI.
“They were proposing that they could bring him to us with a grant of
immunity and he would tell us about bin Laden and where he hides out,”
the former official said. “The FBI did not go for it. When private
business comes to you like that, wanting to make money off of the flesh
trade so to speak, it’s kind of unsavory.”
Rosetta, according to Mr. Fisher, did get access to Mr. Noorzai, by
bribing foreign officials from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the United
Arab Emirates.
One recipient of the payment, an Afghani diplomat stationed in London,
put Rosetta in touch with a former Pakistani intelligence official, who
also received payment from Rosetta, to arrange for an introduction with
Mr. Noorzai, according to Mr. Fisher’s court filing. Mr. Fisher’s
account does not provide exact figures for the alleged payments. Nor
does the account make clear exactly on the behalf of which government
agency, if any, Rosetta was pursuing Mr. Noorzai.
Mr. Noorzai made several trips to Dubai to meet with Rosetta employees
he believed were representatives of the American government, according
to transcripts of those conversations that have been reviewed by The New
York Sun. Mr. Noorzai knew these two contacts as “Mike” and “Brian.” Mr.
Noorzai has said he had only seen Osama bin Laden once in passing.
Mr. Noorzai was under the impression that American officials would help
install him in the new Afghanistan government, according to his court
filings.
In April of 2005, under the pretense of working out such a deal, Mr.
Noorzai flew to New York and spent two weeks in a hotel at the Embassy
Suites in Lower Manhattan talking with agents from the Drug Enforcement
Administration. He was arrested and spent the last three years awaiting
trial on drug charges.
Before Mr. Noorzai arrived, there was at least one meeting in Washington
with DEA agents, a federal prosecutor, and Mr. Jost, according to Mr.
Fisher. According to Mr. Fisher, a disagreement ensued over whether to
arrest Mr. Noorzai when he arrived or not. Rosetta’s position was to
provide safe passage to Mr. Noorzai, Mr. Fisher said. Only then did the
law enforcement officials inform Mr. Jost that Mr. Noorzai had already
been indicted on the heroin charges, according to Mr. Fisher’s account.
In court papers, Mr. Fisher argues that the safe passage Rosetta
employees promised to Mr. Noorzai is binding on the federal government,
and he urged a federal judge to release Mr. Noorzai.
# posted by : Sunday, February 24, 2008 5:05:00 AM
: Sunday, February 24, 2008 5:05:00 AM
The first prosecutor on this cases was named as Boyd Johnson in the indictment.
Later papers showed Johnson had been taken off due to alleged misconduct regarding Rosetta's illegal activities.
Now, Boyd Johnson comes back as the prosecutor for the Spitzer prostitution case. Misconduct is as misconduct does!
Later papers showed Johnson had been taken off due to alleged misconduct regarding Rosetta's illegal activities.
Now, Boyd Johnson comes back as the prosecutor for the Spitzer prostitution case. Misconduct is as misconduct does!
# posted by : Sunday, March 16, 2008 2:18:00 AM
: Sunday, March 16, 2008 2:18:00 AM
Interesting how things keep coming back around- the connections between Gen Campbell's new employer John Lehman Jr, with Perle, Feith etc
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