"On Tuesday, July 6, 2004, Judge Reggie Walton made a decision and ruled on my case. Under his ruling, I, an American citizen, am not entitled to pursue my 1st and 5th Amendment rights guaranteed under the Constitution of the United States. The vague reasoning cited, without any explanation, is to protect 'certain diplomatic relations for national security.'"
~ Sibel Edmonds.
~ Sibel Edmonds.
Earlier this week, Sibel Edmonds' organization, the National Security Whistleblower's Coalition, issued a press release describing another FBI agent's corroboration of Edmonds' own claims "of illegal activities by Turkish organizations and their agents in the United States, and the involvement of certain elected and appointed U.S. officials in the Department of State, Pentagon, and the U.S. Congress in these activities."
If you are a Kurd from Turkey, you won't need more corroboration of Ms. Edmonds allegations; history alone will testify to the veracity of her story, and by "history" I mean Susurluk.
Here again, the principal players in the Susurluk Affair were involved; however, it's quite likely that they were not alone, but had American counterparts, as mentioned in the Vanity Fair story about Sibel Edmonds:
In fact, much of what Edmonds reportedly heard seemed to concern not state espionage but criminal activity. There was talk, she told investigators, of laundering the profits of large-scale drug deals and of selling classified military technologies to the highest bidder.It is here that we pick up the threads of Susurluk that reach deeply into the bureaucratic and lobbyist milieu of Washington DC.
In 2004, in an interview with Christopher Deliso, former FBI translator and whistle-blower Sibel Edmonds spoke of her encounter with Douglas and Melek Can Dickerson and their attempts to recruit her into the American Turkish Council. Douglas Dickerson was US Air Force officer who had been stationed in Turkey sometime between 1991 and 1995, where he met and married MIT agent Melek Can Dickerson. Major Dickerson was in charge of weapons procurement for, among other countries, Turkey.
In 2006 more information surfaced on Dickerson, who "worked in the embassy's military attaché office and was responsible for logistics matters with the Turkish military." Furthermore:
In 1996, the Defense Department's Inspector General's office launched an investigation of a U.S. military officer at the Ankara embassy who was caught receiving a bribe from MIT agents. Shortly after the investigation started, Dickerson was transferred to a U.S. Air Force base in Germany.
Dickerson worked under the direction of American Deep Stater, Marc Grossman, who served as Deputy Chief of Mission in Ankara from 1989 to 1992, and then as ambassador to Turkey from 1994 to 1997. According to the same 2006 report, Grossman became a person of interest "to counter-intelligence agents since his stint as U.S. ambassador in Ankara." Was he also investigated, along with Dickerson for his involvement with MIT? Was he also taking bribes from MIT? For what reason? Why did Grossman resign from the State Department at the beginning of 2005 when he held the third-ranking position in the department after an apparently successful 29-year career? How much Kurdish blood is on Marc Grossman's hands?
Undoubtedly Grossman was involved with the very same weapons transfers that HRW condemned in 1995. The fact that Grossman is now a vice-chairman of The Cohen Group, a lobby firm for the war industry headed by former Clinton-appointed defense secretary, William Cohen, indicates that he is cashing in on old relationships built during his Ankara days.